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The italicized emphasis is mine.
For the literature published up to the early 1990s, see José C. CURTO (1989) and Simon HEAP (1994).
ABBINK (1999), AKYEAMPONG (1994, 1995, 1996b), AMBLER (1990, 1991), AMBLER & CRUSH (1992), BRYCESON (2002), COBLEY (1994), DIDUK (1993), GLAZER (1997), GREEN (1999), HEAP (1996, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2005), LENTZ (1999), MAGER (1999, 2005), MCALLISTER (1993, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2005), MALOKA (1997), MAULA (1997), NELSON (1997), OLOKUJO (1991, 1996), SIISKONEN (1994), WEST (1992, 1997), WHITE (2007), WILLIS (1999, 2001a, 2001b, 2002, 2005).
See also the first chapters in AKYEAMPONG (1996b), and WILLIS (2002).
“Atlantic creole” is used here in the sense developed by Ira BERLIN (1996), to designate “those who by experience or choice, as well as by birth, became part of a new culture that emerged along the Atlantic littoral—in Africa, Europe or the Americas—beginning in the 16th century”. The consumption of different types of alcoholic beverages, some locally produced and others imported from various parts of the Atlantic world, was also part of this new culture. See, for example: AMBLER (2003), AZEVEDO FERNANDES (2004), DA CâMARA CASCUDO (1968), COUGHTRY (1981), CURTO (2004), FERLAND (2004), GORDON (1996), HANCOCK (1998, 2000), DE LURDES DE F. FERRAZ (1990), MANCALL (1995), MCNAMARA (2004), REESE (2004), RICE (1997), RORABAUGH (1979), SALINGER (2002), SCARDAVILLE (1980), TAYLOR (1979), THORP (1996), VIEIRA (1993).
See LIMA (1988: 158, 210), PINHEIRO DE LACERDA (1845: 490), DA SILVA (1813: 52). For modern references, see CHILDS (1949: 33), EDWARDS (1962: 121), HAMBLY (1934: 141, 149), HAUENSTEIN (1963: 63, 73, 77, 113), HEYWOOD (1984: 40, 65).
Ernest G. RAVENSTEIN (1901: 22, 30). Once felled, each palm tree provided an average of two quarts, or just over one litre, per day of wine.
“Alos or N-Burungas [uâlua or bulunga]” were in fact beer made from millet and sorghum (kimbombo). See Óscar RIBAS (1997: 29, 289). My thanks to Ms. Maria Conceição Neto for this reference.
Aside from DA SILVA (1813: 52) and PINHEIRO DE LACERDA (1845: 490), this reconstruction is based upon the following mid-nineetenth century eye-witness accounts: Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (hereinafter BSGL), Reservados 146-C-6, A. F. FERREIRA DA SILVA PORTO, (1846-1853: 13, 22-23, 102-103) and L. MAGYAR (in progress: chap. 1, 2, 7, 8), under translation by Ms. Maria Conceição Neto. I am indebted, again, to Ms. Neto for sharing with me a copy of this yet unpublished work.
See the sources cited in the previous footnote.
See the anonymous chronicle of these conflicts in Luciano CORDEIRO (1881: 10-15).
J. C. CURTO (1993-1994: 101-116) and the newly located annual export figures in Arquivo Histórico Nacional de Angola (hereinafter AHNA), Códice (hereinafter Cód.) 441, fls. 122v-123, “Mappa dos Generos que se exportarão... no Anno de 1799... de Benguela”, with 5,862 slaves exported in 1799 and in Arquivo do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro (hereinafter AIHGB), DL82,01.18, fl. 40, “Demostração da qualidade, e quantidade dos generos exportados desta Cidade de Benguela, com declaração dos portos para onde forão nos annos de 1823, 1824, e 1825”, with 3,046 captives shipped in 1823 and a further 2,933 in 1824.
D. ELTIS, S. BEHERENDT, D. RICHARDSON and H. KLEIN, The Transatlantic Slave Trade Database, online edition, <http:wilson.libray.emory.edu:9090/tast/ >, last accessed May 6, 2008.
At Luanda, the single most important embarkation point for slaves throughout western Africa and Benguela' s sister port town, between 600 and 700 items of exchange were imported annually during the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries (MILLER 1986).
The introduction of the vine at Benguela may also date from this period, but local production of vinho does not seem to have developed. An early reference to grapes grown behind Cattle Bay comes from the 1680 account of António DE OLIVEIRA DE CADORNEGA (1972: 171). An Italian missionary who sojourned there in February, 1683, Girolamo MEROLLA DA SORRENTO (1692: 62), found that grapes matured copiously twice a year: but no wine was produced because of the excessive heat, which stalled the fermentation process. In November 1698, another Italian missionary, Antonio DA GRASDICA ZUCCHELLI (1712: 92), witnessed locally grown grapes maturing to perfection and of a size seen nowhere else, with a single bunch weighing between 18 and twenty pounds: but, even if pleasant to the eye and mouth-watering, the grapes could not be used to make wine successfully due to the great heat. One hundred and thirty years later, the French traveller Jean-Baptiste DOUVILLE (1832: 11), also observed that the vine gave two harvests per year in Benguela: the quality of the grapes was good enough to “produce excellent wine”, but there was no local production of vinho. When the Italian physician, Tito OMBONI (1845: 75), spent some time in this port town during February, 1835, he too found that the vine gave “two harvests of exquisite grapes, but is only seen in the garden of the [local] Governor, who sends this precious fruit to the [Governor-G]eneral and his friends in Luanda”: hence no wine was produced locally. In October, 1841, another physician, the German Gustav TAMS (1969: 106), noted that “[t]he quality of the vines must have greatly deteriorated, if the assertion be correct, that about a hundred years ago, bunches of grapes weighing 18 lbs. were sold in the market of Benguela, for now they seldom weigh even a pound; their taste, however, is delicious, and they would probably yield good wine, if some pains were bestowed upon their cultivation. I was told that in the more elevated parts of the interior, excellent wine is made by resident Europeans [...] from the vine; however, I never had the good hap to taste any”.
Baltazar Rebello de Aragão to the King, 1621, in L. CORDEIRO (1881: 21). Between 1580 and 1640, Portugal and its overseas were part of the Dual Monarchy headed by the Hapsburgs of Spain.
Although this Brazilian distillate became generically known at Luanda and its hinterland as gerebita (CURTO 2004), it was usually referred to as aguardente de cana, or simply as aguardente in Benguela and its interior, most likely because the volume of aguardente do Reino offloaded at Cattle Bay was comparatively insignificant (CURTO 2001). It should also be noted that, although the introduction of the sugar cane in this part of Angola may date from the second half of the 1600s, there was no local production of aguardente de cana until the mid-nineteenth century. In 1828, for example, DOUVILLE (1832, I: 11-12), found that “sugar-cane grows there with vigor, but no one takes advantage from it”. Less than a decade later, OMBONI (1845: 75), similarly noted that the local “sugar-cane is nice and vigorous, but they [Europeans] derive no profit from it”. At the beginning of the 1840s, TAMS (1969: 149) observed that “sugar-cane is in universal request, but it is somewhat rare, on account of the trouble attending its conveyance from the fertile banks of Catumbella, where it grows in great abundance. The canes are of such a superior quality that if some care were bestowed upon their cultivation, ample profit would unquestionably de derived; but unhappily, the Europeans are so indolent and blind to the general interest, that they make no use whatsoever of this important source of gain”. For the significantly changed post-1850s situation, see the text below.
When, in 1698, DA GRASDICA ZUCCHELLI (1712: 96-97), observed that the principle business of vessels arriving in this port town consisted in buying slaves to transport to Brazil, with payment made in all kinds of merchandize, he also noted that one of the most lucrative goods was “Ciribita [...] fire water made from the lees of sugar, which they [the residents of Benguela] get drunk upon”.
Extant data on prices at Benguela clearly shows that the differencial was indeed substantial. In 1799, the average value of a pipa of aguardente de cana was 80$000 réis (see note below), while that of a pipa of vinho was 120$000 réis. AHNA, Cód. 441, fls. 124v-125, “Mappa dos Preços Correntes em Benguela em 1799”. In 1801, on the other hand, a pipa of aguardente de cana was then valued at 70$000 réis, a pipa of vinho fetched 190$000 réis, and a frasqueira (one-sixteenth, by volume, of a pipa) of aguardente do Reino cost 19$200 réis: Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (hereinafter AHU), Angola, Caixa (hereinafter Cx.) 103, Documento (hereinafter Doc.) 11, “Mappa dos Preços Correntes em Benguela em 1801”. During 1823-1825, that is immediately following Brazil' s secession from the Portuguese Crown, the import value of aguardente de cana barely increased, but that of vinho plunged. While the former averaged 74$000 réis per pipa, the latter was but 103$320 réis for the same container. AIHGB, DL82,01.18, fls. 38-39, “Demonstração da qualidade, quantidade dos generos importados dos portos abaixo declarados, para esta Cidade de São Felippe de Benguela nos annos de 1823, 1824, e 1825”. In other words, the differential remained significant.
Portuguese currency: one thousand réis written 1$000.
AHU, Angola, Cx. 100, Doc. 31, Miguel António de Melo (Governor of Angola) to D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, 30-05-1801.
AHU, Cód. 556, fls. 1v-3v, “Receita do Reino de Angola [em 1764]”.
AHU, Angola, Cx. 21, Doc. 136, António Albuquerque de Carvalho (Governor of Angola) to the Crown, 26-09-1722.
At the very beginning of the nineteenth century, one Governor of Benguela frankly admitted: “I consider the 1799 [import data, as well as that for] 1800 that on this occasion I am sending Your Excellency rather inaccurate because the merchants who are the most able to be nominated for their compilation have certified to me that it can not be exact for there being no customs house here nor a register of the goods that arrive [...]. Each merchant gives a roll of the goods imported that he wants [...]. It is through these rolls that the [import-data] is compiled given that we do have not the formalities here that exist in other Cities [...]. As a result, we can neither follow Royal Orders to the letter nor calculate with certainty the goods that are imported since merchants put together their rolls according to their own arbitrariness.” AHNA, Cód. 441, fl. 118, José Mauricio Rodriguez (Governor of Benguela) to Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho 26 February, 1801. All import data available for this port town must thus be viewed as representing a minimum of actual imports. I am indebted to Vanessa Oliveira for sharing her transcription of this document.
AHU, Angola, Cx. 57, Doc. 40, “Relação dos Rendimentos que tem a Fazenda Real do Reino de Angola”, 1772; AHU, Angola, Cx. 95, Doc. 18, Alexandre José Botelho Vasconcelos (Governor of Benguela) to Luiz Pinto de Souza, 27-07-1796; “Regimento de Alfândega da Cidade de São Paulo da Assumpção, Capital do Reino de Angola, 21-10-1799”, Arquivos de Angola 1st series, II: 12 (1936), pp. 425-427; AHU, Angola, Cx. 100, Doc. 31, Miguel Antonio de Melo (Governor of Angola) to Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, 30-05-1801; AHU, Sala 12, Maço # 858, Governor Melo to President of the Erário Régio, 14-08-1802; and “Relatorio do Governador Fernando António de Noronha, 2-01-1806”, Arquivos de Angola 1st series, II: 15 (1936), p. 660. See also the synopsis of the “Estado da Capitania de Benguela, seu Comércio, Agricultura, Estado das tropas e Saúde”, 14-07-1791, in Fontes & Estudos: Revista do Arquivo Histórico Nacional 1 (1994), p. 14.
See Table I (Annexes).
This excise tax was probably implemented after 1767, when the Governor of Angola, Francisco Innocêncio da Sousa Countinho, created the Municipal Council of Benguela: AHNA, Cód. 3, fl. 261v, Francisco Innocêncio da Sousa Countinho to the Crown. During the late 1830s, this excise tax was distributed as follows: $500 réis for each pipa of vinho and gerebita offloaded at Benguela (DELGADO 1940: 125).
See Table II (Annexes). In comparison, between 1785 and 1804, the municipal levy on alcohol imports at Luanda averaged an estimated 40 % of the total revenue of its Municipal Council (CURTO 2004: 172-174).
See Table II (Annexes).
A few passing references to taverns in Benguela during the early 1800s are found in DELGADO (1940: 45, 47). For taverns elsewhere in the Atlantic world, see POPHAM (1978), SCARDAVILLE (1980), THORP (1996), SALINGER (2002), MCNAMARA (2004), CURTO (2004: 173-180).
AHU, Angola, Cx. 70, Doc. 9, “Lista de todos os moradores que prezentemente se achão em Benguella, sem excesão de pessoa, e seus empregos, do mayor athe o menor”, undated, but certainly from the mid-1780s. Their owners were Mathias Ferreira, Jozé da Costa, Manoel Jozé Alves da Silva, Luis Jozé Malaquias, Lourenço Francisco, Jozé Marques, Manoel da Silva Metelo, Pedro de Saes, and João Antonio. While the first eight were white, the last was a black man.
IHGB, DL32,02.02, fls. 7-17v, “Relação de Manuel José de Silveira Teixeira [d]os moradores da [parte sul da] cidade de São Felipe de Benguela”; and IHGB, DL32,02.03, fls. 20-32v,“Relação de José Caetano Carneiro [...] dos moradores da parte do norte da cidade de São Felipe de Benguela”, 20 November, 1797. They were: Amaro Francisco Pereira, Amaro Joaquim dos Santos, Bonifacio Antonio de Medeiros, Domingos Gomes Chavez, Francisco Luiz Cascaes, Manoel Alvares da Costa, Manoel de Oliveira, Manoel José da Silva, Anastácio Pereira, Domingos José Vieira, Francisco José das Neves, Francisco Lourenço Rodate, José Miguel, Luis de Lemos, Sebastião de Noronha, and José Jorge, all white males; the mulattos João Coelho, José Rodriguez de Magalhães, and Vitoriano da Sousa, as well as the mulatta Dona Aguida Gonçalves; Caetano Gonçalves, João Nunes, Joaquim Teixeira, Miguel Ferreira, and Valentim Miz. de Siqueira, all black males; and Bento Esteves, whose colour was not listed.
See Table III (Annexes).
See Table III (Annexes).
This was the case of João da Costa Lemos, a lieutenant of the militia of Benguela, who on the day of Saint John (June 24) in 1817 held a sumptuous feast in his house: AHNA, Cód. 446, fls. 139v-140v, Manuel de Abreu de Mello e Alvim to Luiz da Motta e Feo (Governor of Angola), 12-07-1817. When the Italian missionaries Dionigi de Carli da Piacenza and Michel Angelo da Reggio Guattini arrived in Benguela just before Christmas 1667, they were wined and dinned by the Governor of the port town, presumably in his headquarters (GUATTINI & DE CARLI 1680: 48).
See Table IV, along with the caveat in footnote 24 above.
Arquivo Histórico do Ministério das Obras Publicas, Lisbon, MR 57 “Mappas de Importação e Exportação Fornecidos pelos Consules de Portugal”. Out of the 37,903$718 réis in import duties import duties collected by Benguela' s custom house in 1839-1840, 12,426$451 came from aguardente imports. See AHU, Angola, Correspondencia dos Governadores, Pasta 4-B, “Receita da Alfandega de Benguela em 1839-1840”.
See Table IV (Annexes).
To satisfy Magyar' s more “sophiscated” palate, his carriers also transported unspecified amounts of Port wine. See chapter II of his travelogue.
AHU, Angola, Cx. 136, Doc. 31, José Botelho de Sampaio to Luiz da Motta Feo (Governor of Angola), 6-04-1819 and Motta Feo to Ignacio Sudre Pereira de Nobrega, 12-04-1819.
According to MAGYAR (in progress: chap. VII), one such slave equaled 35-40 covados, 2 covados equaled 1 bekka, and 2 bekka equaled one bottle of cane brandy: hence, 8.75 to 10 bottles of the Brazilian spirit would have sufficed to purchase the slave.
Although Hauenstein lists this alcoholic drink as an unspecified type of eau-de-vie, the reference must be to Brazilian sugar cane rum, since aguardente imports at Benguela were extremely small.
AHNA, Cód. 88, fl. 139v, “Rellação do Mimo que manda [o] [...] Senhor General ao Souva de Bailundo”, 1-08-1795.
AHU, Cód. 1631, fls. 153-155, Almeida e Vasconcelos (Governor of Angola) to Sova de Bailundo, 18-08-1795.
António Gomes Cortezao (Governor of Benguela) to Governor of Angola, 24-06-1805, in DELGADO (1940: 45).
AHU, Angola, Cx. 71, Doc. 11, Francisco Ignacio de Mira to António da Silva Metelo, 19-12-1785.
AHU, Angola, Cx. 71, Doc. 11, Nuno Joaquim Pereira e Silva to his brother, 14-01-1786.
AHU, Cx. 71, Document 11, Francisco Ignacio de Mira to António da Silva Metelo, 19-12-1785.
AHNA, Cód. 441, fl. 14, report of Botelho de Vasconcelhos upon taking up the governorship of the Reino de Benguela, 27-07-1796.
AHNA, Cód. 449, fls. 10v-11, Joaquim Bento da Fonseca to Nicolau d' Abreu Castello Branco (Governor of Angola), 05-08-1824.
AHU, Angola, Cx. 87, Doc. 51, Jose da Sylva Costa to Governor Botelho Vasconcelos, 28-03-1798.
AHU, Angola, Cx. 120, Doc. 37, Antonio de Saldanha da Gama (Governor of Angola) to Visconde de Anadia, 24-09-1808.
“Folha de despesa feita com os pretos Munbombes empregados no serviço da mineração de 1 a 30 de Setembro, 1810”, in M. DOS ANJOS DA SILVA REBELO (1970: 171).
“Folha da despesa com os sobas, oficial inferior, soldados e pretos desde 1 a 31 de Janeiro, 1813”, in DOS ANJOS DA SILVA REBELO (1970: 172). Cane brandy and tobacco payments continued through the month of February. AHU, Angola, Cx. 122, Doc. 59, João de Alvellos Leiria (Governor of Benguela) to José Oliveira de Barboza (Governor of Angola), 25-02-1813.
AHNA, Cód. 447, fl. 172, Mathias Joaquim de Britto (Governor of Benguela) to Manoel Vieira de Albuquerque e Tovar (Governor of Angola), 15-11-1820.
AHU, Angola, Cx. 120, Doc. 37, Antonio Saldanha da Gama (Governor of Angola) to Visconde de Anadia, 24-09-1808.
“Folha de despesa feita com os pretos Munbombes empregados no serviço da mineração de 1 a 30 de Setembro, 1810,” in DOS ANJOS DA SILVA REBELO (1970: 171).
“Folha da despesa com os sobas, oficial inferior, soldados e pretos desde 1 a 31 de Janeiro, 1813”, in DOS ANJOS DA SILVA REBELO (1970: 172).
AHNA, Cód. 3058, fls. 90v-91, Felix V. Galiano to Luiz da Motta e Feo (Governor of Angola), 01-12-1816.
AHNA, Cód. 449, fls. 116v-117, Joaquim Aurélio d' Oliveira (Governor of Benguela) to Nicolao d' Abreu Castello Branco (Governor of Angola), 01-12-1829.
BSGL, Reservados 146-C-6, Silva Porto, “Apontamentos de um Portuense em Africa”, Vol. 1, p. 123.
BSGL, Reservados 1, Pasta 3-No 2, António Francisco Ferreira da Silva Porto, “Memorial de Mucanos, 1841-1885”, fl. 1.
Ibid., fls. 6-7.
Ibid., fls. 8-9.
Ibid., fls. 1-68.
Ibid., pp. 90-91, 114-115.
BSGL, Reservados 146-C-6, Silva Porto, “Apontamentos de um Portuense em Africa”, Vol. 1, pp. 22-23.
On this development in the hinterland of Benguela, see: Vicente FERRER BARRUNCHO, “Relatorio da Viajem que fez o Governador de Benguella ao Dombe Grande e Equimina, 26-11-1856”, in Boletim Official de Angola, 13-12-1856, pp. 4-5; “Governador de Benguella [João Antonio das Neves Ferreira] to Secretario Geral do Governo da Provincia de Angola, 14-09-1865”, in Boletim Official de Angola, 28-10-1865, p. 198; AHU, Angola, Correspondencia dos Governadores, Pasta 35, Governador de Benguella, João Antonio das Neves Ferreira, to Ministro e Secretario d' Estado, 10-10-1866; and AHU, Angola, Correspondencia dos Governadores, Pasta 38, Carlos Maria da Cunha Figueiredo, “Relatorio acerca do Districto de Benguella, 24-10-1864 a 16-08-1868”. For a sketch of this industry throughout Angola, see Gervase CLARENCE-SMITH (1979: 24-25, 49, 50-51; 1984: 227-349; 1985: 38, 49, 75, 105, 120, 134) and Gerald J. BENDER (1978: 145-146).
Though impressionistic, José CAPELA (1973) provides much information on this important shift. See also: CLARENCE-SMITH (1985: 5, 7-8, 11-14, 18, 24, 44, 68, 92-94, 120-122, 160-166, 200-201, 220), PIRIO (1982, chap. 7: 234-302) and BENDER (1978: 146-147). As shown by CAPELA (ibid.), CLARENCE-SMITH (ibid.), PIRIO (ibid.), and PENVENNE (1995: 40-43), this development was not specific to Angola. It also took place in Mozambique.Haut de page